Free Papua Movement (OPM) 

Origins

The OPM is a separatist movement located in the Indonesian province of West Papua (known as Dutch New Guinea until 1973, then Irian Jaya until 2001 ), that was formed to oppose Indonesian rule established in Papua since October 1962. Initially named the Papua Youth Movement, it was reorganized as the Free Papau Movement in 1965. Experts agree that the most important factor in the formation of the OPM was Indonesia's incorporation of West Papua in 1962 without a referendum of self-determination. Although a plebiscite was organised by the Indonesian government in April 1969, in which participants unanimously voted in favour of integration to Indonesia, Papuans and analysts question its legitimacy since only 1,022 Papuan leaders, hand-picked by the Indonesian government, were allowed to participate while under Indonesia military supervision - and in several cases - intimidation.
When explaining the rise of West Papua separatist movements, experts typically name two other factors: first, the allocation of natural resource revenues, which the Papuan population has historically seen as unfair since the vast majority of these revenues is used for developing projects in central Indonesia. The second grievance is the central government sponsored-policies of transmigration, by which hundreds of thousands of Indonesians from the central islands were settled in West Papua while the Papuan populations were expulsed from their lands. In this respect, it is worth noting that most of the inhabitants of the province of Papua are Melanesian Christians or Anamists and not Malays Muslims like the majority of Indonesia.
In 1971, the OPM division in Biak formed a “Provisional Revolutionary Government of West Papua New Guinea” under the leadership of Seth Rumkorem and proclaimed the independence of the region. The headquarters of the “Provisional Government” were established in the Netherlands, as well as information offices in Dakar, Senegal and Stockholm, Sweden.
In April-May 1977, several rebellions against the Indonesian rule arose in the Baliem Valley and the Carstenz Mountain Range in the Central Highlands, but were quickly suppressed by Indonesian troops. In 1978, the OPM carried out an ambush on an Indonesian helicopter and seven passengers were seized as hostages. Subsequently, in June-July 1978 the Indonesian army increased its military operations at the borders of Papua with Papua New Guinea.

 

Location / Main area of operation

From the mid-1970s up to the 1990s, OPM's main location was the jungle border between Papua and Papua New Guinea. However, this armed group had a presence in the Islands, the Highlands and the Lowlands. On occasion, several OPM members were known to reside in Papua New Guinea.

Objectives

OPM seeks to obtain the independence of West Papua from Indonesia. The organization describes its mission as a struggle to “liberate and free West Papua from colonialism in any kinds and any forms, to free all Papua land and all pacific territory from any kinds of colonialism.”

 

Number of Members

Some analysts estimate that by the late 1990s this armed group numbered around 300 combatants dispersed into small armed groups, based in different locations and composed of numerous ethno-linguistic groups. Currently, the IISS Armed Conflict Database reports that OPM has an estimated strength of 150 members. Likewise, in 2001, Mahidin Simbolon, the Indonesian military commander for Papua, alleged that OPM had about 100 members and 12 firearms. Analysts claim that the arrest or assassination of a considerable part of the movement's leaders, by Indonesian military, has been the main cause for this reduced number. Nevertheless, the leadership in exile has been maintained.

Type : National

The OPM is a national NSAG since it operates only in West Papua.

Conflict Status : Active

In 2000, following political developments reviving the idea of self-rule for the province of West Papua after the resignation of President Suharto, OPM declared a ceasefire. However, the OPM still conducted occasional armed operations. Specifically, it is reported that in January 2001 an OPM group, under the leadership of William Onde, kidnapped 13 employees of a South Korean timber company based in the region of Merauke. While land owners of West Papua have often disputed with the company over supposed inadequate compensation, these kidnappings appear to be unrelated. In this respect, it must be noted that Onde's demands mainly consisted of the retirement of the Indonesian Police’s Mobile Brigade, Brimob, which allegedly provides security to the company in this region; a payment of $ 2 million to the OPM “as compensation for damage to the jungle;” and an immediate opening of a dialogue with the Indonesian government on Papua’s status.
In addition to these kidnappings, OPM combatants occupied the airfield at Ilaga for a couple of days in late September to early October 2001.
In 2001, the Indonesian authorities approved a law giving the province of Papua “greater revenue and decision-making power than other provinces”.  
In 2006, there were important developments regarding OPM’s status: firstly, the military wing of OPM, the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPN), decided, after a three-day summit on 28 July 2006, that its objectives should be sought exclusively through peaceful means. It was added that force would only be used in self-defence.  Secondly, on 31 July 2006 the OPM announced a unilateral ceasefire and six of its members turned themselves over to the Indonesian government. The Indonesian Army announced then that they would also stop offensive military actions in Papua. Subsequently, several other OPM members gave themselves up to the Indonesian authorities.  
Despite this, a series of attacks on members of Indonesian security forces allegedly carried out by OPM have taken place. These attacks include an incident on 12 December 2006, in which two Indonesian army members were shot and killed in Puncak Jaya Regency, Papua, allegedly by OPM combatants. Indonesian authorities also blame OPM for an attack on a member of Brimob and the seizure of his rifle, occurring near the town of Mulia in Puncak Jaya on 13 December 2006. Nevertheless, sources close to OPM claim that some hit–and-run attacks conducted in the area were actually staged by the Indonesian Army to justify its presence in the region.
In regard to the Southern Region of West Papua, local OPM commanders have allegedly either stopped armed struggle or have remained inactive for several years.

 

Structure of the organization

There is not much detailed information available regarding the structure of this NSAG and in particular, with respect to the decision-making bodies and processes.. It is only reported that OPM is made up of six commands, which are largely independent from each other and which operate in a non-hierarchical manner. Only three or four of these commands appear to be currently active in West Papua.
Additionally, it is known that in 1971, OPM established an armed wing, the West Papua National Liberation Army known as TPN (Tentara Pembebasan Nasional) , compromised of a small number of combatants; and a political wing, the “Provisional Government,” made up of 10 persons. Currently, however, there is no known source of academic, NGO, or press sources available regarding the status of these wings.

 

Leadership

Kelly Kwalik has allegedly been the headmaster of hostage-taking operations; such as the kidnapping of twelve members of a scientific research team, the Lorentz Expedition, in January 2006, and attacks to the Freeport mine carried out by OPM.
Bernard Mawen is the chief of a small group in Merauke as well as the eldest of the group’s field commanders.
John Otto Ondawame was named the “defence minister” of the movement when it was led by J. Prai. While arrested in September 1978 with J. Prai as illegal immigrant in Papua New Guinea, Ondawame was released after one year in prison. He runs, together with Andy Ayamiseba, the West Papuan People’s Representative Office in Port Vila, Vanuatu; in 2006, he was reported to be the international representative of the Free Papua Movement.
Hans Yoweni is allegedly fighting in Jayapura and Sarmi districts as a TPN/OPM commander but defections from his group are reported frequently.
Mathias Wenda is widely known as the commander-in-chief of the group and is based in Baweni, Papua New Guinea. He is responsible for the Arso area in Keerom district, which is a transmigration site. Though arrested in February 2001 as an illegal alien in Papua New Guinea, he was released shortly thereafter.
Lastly, it must be noted that Seth Rumkoren and Jacop Prai, OPM leaders during the 1970s, are currently based in Sweden.

 

External aid/Third party involvement

The Republic of Vanuatu appears to be the most supportive state of OPM's political activities. The OPM has a representative office in Port Vila, Vanuatu, run by John Otto Ondawame and Andy Ayamiseba. Additionally, the highest representatives of Nauru and Vanuatu expressly referred to the need for allowing Papuans to exercise freely their right to self-determination in September 2000 at the United National Millennium Summit in New York. The identification of these islands with the West Papua cause for self-determination seems to be explained by the close ties that historically, culturally and geographically that exist between them, including the common Melanesian origin of the majority of their inhabitants. However, the Pacific Island Forum reportedly adopted a resolution in August 2002 expressing its support for the Indonesia unity and favouring special autonomy for Papuans rather than political independence.
In addition, Libya has also reportedly been linked to OPM. After having attended a “world conference of liberation movements” in Libya in March 1986, an OPM official reported on 11 May 1987 that Libya was providing them funding and training.
Additionally, members of the OPM have occasionally resided in Papua New Guinea. Nevertheless, in 1978, Papua New Guinea “agreed to take measures to prevent its territory being used as a base by the rebels.” However, when demanded by Papua in 1984 for the repatriation of the refugees, Papua New Guinea asserted that they would not “drive out OPM rebels”. It is, however, reported that Papua New Guinea’s support ended with the signature of a “treaty of friendship and cooperation” with Indonesia in October 1986.
 

External effects of the NSAG's armed activities

After the violence in 1977-78, approximately 3,000 Papuans crossed the border into Papua New Guinea. In 1984, another flood of refugees entered Papua New Guinea after an attempted uprising occurred in the Papuan capital, Jayapura, earlier that year. In an agreement signed on 29 October 1984, Indonesia assured that the estimated 10,000 refugees in Papua New Guinea at that time could return to Indonesia without facing reprisals. In addition, Church figures claim that at the start of 2007, 5,300 people were internally displaced due to the fighting between the OPM and the Indonesian military. The Indonesian government, however, denies the existence of such internally displaced persons.

Funding

As stated above, the group has allegedly received funding from Libya. Additionally, and according to the International Crisis Group, OPM member William Onde claims to have had good relations with the Korean-owned firm Korindo based in the Southern District of Boven Digoel. Local workers quietly admit that the firm periodically provided Onde with funding. Nevertheless, these relationships seem to have ended with the kidnapping of sixteen Korindo employees, allegedly by William Onde in January 2001. These employees were freed some weeks later, reportedly in exchange for a meeting between Onde and the then President Abdurrahman Wahid. In addition, a delegation from the Office of the Coordinating Minister for Security of Indonesia claimed in November 2002 that the Freeport mine had financed a trip to Australia for “pro-independence Papuans” (most likely referring to OPM). Nevertheless, William Collier, Freeport's vice-president of corporate communications, denied that Freeport money went to the OPM. In 2001, the Indonesia police stated that some OPM guerrillas were extorting money from the timber companies working in the Papua province.

 

Relationship with the international community

Several international organizations have had direct contact with OPM for purposes of bringing this armed group in compliance with international norms; for example, Geneva Call has done so in regard to the ban on land mines.
Additionally, OPM has sought for at least three successive years "Observer Status" on the Pacific Island Forum, which includes Member States such as New Zealand, Australia, Fiji, Tonga, and Western Samoa. Additionally, it is reported that the four West Papuan leaders participated in the 31st Pacific Islands Forum in October 2000 as members of the Nauru delegation. Nevertheless, and as noted above, it has been reported that the Pacific Island Forum adopted a resolution in August 2002 expressing its support for Indonesian unity and favouring special autonomy for Papuans rather than political independence.
Additionally, OPM has at least two international offices; one based in Malmö, Sweden, established on 1 February 1992 by then OPM leader, Jacob Prai, for lobbying internationally on behalf of the group. The other is located in Port Vila, Vanuatu and run by John Otto Ondawame and Andy Ayamiseba.
Additionally, human rights abuses in Papua have been subject of attention by certain foreign governments. On 31 January 1996, the Irish Parliament condemned human rights violations in Papua and asked the UN Committee on Decolonization to reconsider the issue. Likewise, in March 1996 the European Parliament called for an international fact-finding mission to be sent to Papua. It has been reported that in March 2004, 88 members of the Irish parliament sent a letter to Secretary General Kofi Annan “criticising the UN for overseeing a “sham” plebiscite”.
Lastly, OPM does not figure in the list of terrorist organizations of either the United States or the European Union.

 

Books

• Balencie, Jean-Marc and de La Grange, Arnaud (2005), Les Nouveaux Mondes rebelles (Paris: éditions Michalon).
• Balencie, Jean-Marc and de La Grange, Arnaud (2001), Mondes rebelles (Paris: éditions Michalon).
• Hewitt, Christopher and Cheetham, Tom (2000), Encyclopedia of modern separatist movements (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO Inc).
• Minahan, James B. (2002), Encyclopedia of the Stateless Nations: Ethnic and National Groups Around the World (Westport Connecticut [etc.]: Greenwood Press), Vol. IV.

 

Articles and Chapters

• Aspinall, Edward (2004), “Indonesia,” in Bogdan Szajkowski (ed), Revolutionary and Dissident Movements of the World 183 (London: John Harper Publishing).
• Ondawame, John Otto, “Working for West Papua’s Independence”, 10 Transitions (Winter 2001) at link

 

Reports and resolutions of intergovernmental organizations

Governmental reports

• H.E. Bernard Dowiyogo M.P., President of the Republic of Nauru, statement before the United Nations Millennium Summit, United Nations, New York, 7 September 2000.
• H.E. Maautamate B. Sope M.P., Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu, statement before the United Nations Millennium Summit, United Nations, New York, 8 September 2000.
   

Reports of think tanks and non-governmental organizations

 

• Arbeitsgemeinschaft Kriegsursachenforschung (AKUF), Universität Hamburg, Indonesien (West Papua), available at: link
• Blair, Dennis C. and Phillips, David L. (2003), Indonesia Commission: Peace and Progress in Papua, Council on Foreign Relations (New York: Council of Foreign Relations).
• International Crisis Group, Indonesia: Resources and conflict in Papua, ICG Asia Report N°39, 13th September 2002, available at link
• International Crisis Group, Papua: Answers to Frequently Asked Questions, Asia Briefing N°53, 5th September 2006, available at link
• International Crisis Group, Indonesian Papua: A Local Perspective on the Conflict, Asia Briefing N°66, 19 July 2007, available at link
• King, Blair A. (2006), Peace in Papua: Widening a Window of Opportunity (Council on Foreign Relations Press), available at link
   

Press Information (in chronological order)

• “Self-determination or Territorial Integrity?” (Nic Maclellan), Inside Indonesia, July – September 2001.
• “Indonesia Military Allegedly Talked of Targeting Mine,” The Washington Post, 3 November 2002.
• “Indonesian Paper Urges Government to Settle Papua Issue,” BBC Monitoring Asia Pacific, 21 April 2006.
• “In Remotest Indonesia, Unfinished Business; Fear, Distrust, Insurgency Simmer in Papua,” The Washington Post, 25 June 2006, at A17.
• “Papua Fighters Promise Non-violent Future,” Lateline, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 27 July 2006.
• “Papuan Rebel Group in Indonesia Gives Up Armed Struggle,” Xinhua General News Service, 31 July 2006.
• “Separatist Group Warns against Australian Decision on West Papuan Refugee,” BBC monitoring international reports, 1 August, 2006.
• “21 More Members of Papua Separatist Movement Surrender,” Antara- The Indonesian National News Agency, 17 August 2006.
• “Rebels Seize Rifle from Police Officer,” Jakarta Post, 14 December 2006.
• “Tension Rising in Indonesia Papua,” Bulletin Wire, 26 December 2006.

 

Interviews

• Email to Geneva Call from NGO representative, received on 12 December 2007.

 

Internet resources

• IISS Armed Conflict Database, Non-State Armed Groups, OPM, available at www.iiss.org/publications/armed-conflict-database.
• IISS Armed Conflict Database, Indonesia (Papua), available at www.iiss.org/publications/armed-conflict-database.
• National Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism, Key leader profile, Matthias Wenda, available at link.
• International Action for West Papua, OPM Leader Rips Indo Flag During Autonomy Discussion, available at
link

 

Statements of the armed group

• Liberation Army of Free Papua Movement, Mission, available at link
• Free West Papua, About West Papua, available at link
   

Agreements involving armed groups